He invented a new style policy direct almost Basic

In a campaign, which is dynamic. "The sentence may be signed Nicolas Sarkozy, it corresponds today to that door Ségolène Royal: the movement, the driving force. There is the major effect of the approximately 60 of votes obtained by the Socialist candidate to its two male competitors in the presidential primary of the PS. Overwhelmed by the offensive of the Joan of Arc, which proclaims: "It's the people that made me", Laurent Fabius and Dominique Strauss-Kahn can only go to the obvious: on the front of the breach, dear theme to the leader of the UMP, the advantage is clearly passed on the Socialist Party. Within a year, the President of the Poitou-Charentes region returned Lionel Jospin to his expensive studies, forcing it to do what he had said that he would be on the evening of April 21, 2002: withdraw from life policy. It has forced Dominique Strauss-Kahn to frankly its label Social-Democrat, pushed Laurent Fabius to go to the end of its line "left any" in which he is totally wrong. She spoke without taboos of the 35 hours, safety and the school map, introduced in the Socialist vulgate of the iconoclastic terms such as "just order", and imposed on the Socialist Party to undertake the ideological moulting that he couldn't lead since its historic failure of 2002. Like all revolutions, it occurred in record time and was conducted by a personality that no one had seen come and many shoeing to undervalue the strengths: a woman who, having been three times Minister, had so far only on secondary tried problems by his peers: the environment, education, family. The force with which these themes are necessary today in the campaign shows how they fourvoyaient.

This revolution internal just to live the Socialist Party, is the Fifth Republic that it should. Today both disparaged it has the particularity to serve as a powerful lever for change who knows it. The first to have understood is François Mitterrand who, in 1971, was able to transform the moribund SFIO in a party of conquest in relying on the presidentialization of the regime. This non-socialiste of origin relied on the complicity of internal of a number of officials SFIO, as Pierre Mauroy, forcing the old party to expand its seating, open up new topics and new currents and prepare the conquest of power. He did not to abandon its revolutionary posture, which was subsequently very serious hardship. Ségolène Royal used same weapons as his mentor, pushing to the extreme the logic of presidentialization of the regime. Its legitimacy was first built in the polls, and then among the supporters of the PS before be overwhelmingly confirmed by the militants, who are somewhat aligned on the request for the opinion, with the benevolent neutrality of first Secretary, Francois Hollande, who is none other than his companion. In a year, the party thus delivered to forceps of a new doctrine, the "ségolisme", which can also very well be called "royalisme." This doctrine has in germ the same ambiguities than the mitterrandisme, because it attempts to reconcile conflicting a priori principles the authority of the State and decentralization, national unity and social combat, participatory democracy and rehabilitation elected officials... It still has the particularity to be more rooted in the real as the mitterrandisme: a part of the dispute between Ségolène Royal competitors focused on the apprehension of reality: "He must see things as they are," has continued to remind the President of Poitou-Charentes, while the other crispaient on a little nuanced "acquired" asfor example, the 35-hour.

Royal revolution shock affects not only the left: five months of the presidential election, Nicolas Sarkozy is destabilized because Ségolène Royal, as in the fable of the Hare and the turtle, comes from the double on what was until now its indisputable dominance over all others: its capacity to embody innovation and movement. The shock It was the first to understand that, to stop le Pen phenomenon, should be focus as a priority in 2007 the popular electorate, put his finger on the difficulties of daily life, from the concrete, break with the language of wood. He invented a new style policy, direct, almost Basic. He created a new rhetoric far lyrical games of his predecessors. In order to deal with it, the left had to turn to move. The Royal phenomenon was born the phenomenon Sarkozy, collecting the same accusations of "populism" that surround the advent in France of this new generation of politicians in its wake.

The advantage today is Ségolène Royal because his election in the first round of the Socialist primary gives the party a legitimacy that Nicolas Sarkozy, yet very early advantage in combat, has not yet fully consolidated within the UMP: it is not yet official candidate, the questioning had not yet adoubé it, and heavy ideological differences continue to divide the right as fundamental as the attitude to have with the United States topicsthe design of the Presidential Office or that of Republican equality. To regain control, the Minister of the Interior will have to accelerate its entry into campaign, consolidate its camp and once again innovate, at least in the form, because it faces not a candidate as it would fight against a candidate. The result of this race-prosecution, is that, for the first time, two favorites will enter campaign very early, with the obligation, to not get, to breath the way the voter which no one ignores the propensity to punish any error.

The game is be played: Ségolène Royal has an advantage of timing and dynamics of gathering. But the new synthesis that it remains unclear, and the debates that took place in the Socialist primary showed large areas of fragility, on foreign policy including. Nicolas Sarkozy has for him control of the records and the weight of the experience, but it has built its positions by force. It cleaves and it concerned. One and the other may be similar, they founded their conquest on a radically different political approach: on the one hand the authority of the head, the other allied to a participatory democracy so popular fervor: Bonaparte against Joan of Arc. The country is brought back to roots much further afield that Gaullism which Jacques Chirac late attempts to awaken the flame. With backdrop of the same drama: given the ambient climate of Sling, the two candidates have really not right to the error, nor during the campaign or especially after.